"The State of the Country, Political
Confrontation, and Ways to Avoid It"
The situation created in the country, political
confrontation, and ways to escape it
It has been four years since the first democratic,
multiparty elections were held in Mongolia
in 1990. Two big changes have been made in
the process of transition from the communist
structure to a democratic, humane market system--political
and social-economic changes.
The State Baga Hural (SBH) laid the foundation
for social-economic changes, took a significant
steps towards implementing newly-advanced
objectives, and endorsed important laws.
Although the nwe constitution of Mongolia
ensured the start of political chanegs, no
action was taken to pass new laws. This resulted
in the 1994 spring crisis, an event set in
motion by the results of the 1992 elections.
The economic reforms were accomplished under
the direct control of the International Monetary
Fund and the World Bank. In other words, these
changes were made according to a foreign recipe
in a rather disciplined and stage-by-stage
way supported by developed countries. By doing
so, Mongolia was like an "excellent,
obedient and exemplary pupil." There
was no recipe, however, for making political
changes. After the collapse of the socialist
system, every country chose its own way of
development and renewal.
As there was no recipe to follow, those in
power at the time were interested in keeping
the situation that developed in 1992 because
it gave them a chance to join the national
bourgeois ranks within a short time. Thus
there was political stagnation and eventually,
due to the euphoria of excessive power, a
tendency in the higher echelons of the Mongolian
People's Revolutionary party (MPRP) to step
backwards from the democratic achievements.
The consequences of this are as follows::
Although two years have passed since the endorsement
of the Constitution, the State Great Hural
(SGH) has not discussed or approved a package
of laws that would ensure the implementation
of the Constitution, most importantly the
Law on Land, a package of laws related to
rural regions, and a new election law. There
are no legally-recognized political oppositions
in the SGH and no chance to discuss and vote
on draft laws or decisions based on genuinely
pluralistic views. Although six opposition
members represent more than 40% of all the
voters, they cannot influence the voting results
in the SGH. As a rule, the SGH should reflect
the political will and wisdom of the people
in the process of making laws and create a
certain political consensus in the country
in order to ensure stable political and economic
development. Regretfully, the balance of forces
in the SGH and the political line of the ruling
majority of MPRP have made any consensus impossible.
As a result, the political resources of the
highest legislative organ are restricted and
its ability to exert the desired influence
on the society is significantly reduced.
Because there is no legal opposition in the
SGH, the separation of power--the founding
concept of the Constitution and the principle
of equality -between its branches began to
be violated. There is almost no difference
between the SGH and the government. Now only
two or three people make decisions that affect
the whole nation. The authority of the judiciary
and its inseparable component, the Constitutional
Court, began to be attacked.
The excessive dominance of the ruling party
made them think they can do whatever they
want and an inter-dependent chain in the state
structure created groupings of cronies and
relatives. An atmosphere of racing for profit
by misusing one's official position and connections
also exists. The principle of transparency
in decision-making and policy approval, which
is one of the main requirements of democracy,
and the principle of accountability for state
officials is lost.
A few groups, including those who represent
the government, have control over the state
mass media. They are intolerant of others'
opinions and they are responsible for vulgar
political propaganda. Political and ideological
control over the state television, radio and
press has been restored.
The leading group of the ruling MPRP is two-faced.
Abroad, they tell of their efforts for human
rights and democracy while back at home they
intentionally disregard human rights - freedom
of speech, religion and political beliefs.
They step back from the democratic government
structure that has just been born - rights
and duties of the directly-elected President,
principles of democratic parliamentary rule,
the governmental principles of transparency
and accountability, and independent judicial
power. This political game has gone too far
and people with extreme views have been appointed
as Chairmen of standing and sub-committees
of the SGH.
In the process of political cases that involved
some high-ranking state officials, the elementary
political morals and culture were trampled.
This situation may have such negative consequences
that Mongolian society will take several steps
back in terms of its political achievements.
In a situation where government organizations
are unable to overcome the crisis, the President's
power is limited, the MPRP members of the
Parliament are afraid lose their seats, and
the Cabinet has lost its reputation due to
grand scale political scandals. Therefore,
the political parties, especially the bigger
parties, prominent political figures, and
non-governmental organizations need to play
respectively bigger roles, if not the main
role.
There are 3 ways to resolve this problem.
The Cabinet has to resign, or the Mongolian
Democratic Union and the Mongolian Students
Union have to stop the political hunger strike.
However, since it looks like none of the parties
wish to accept these solutions, the best option
seems to be reconciliation. If such reconciliation
can help, it may be accepted by the conflicting
parties.
New election laws for the SGH and local governments
could be adopted in spring session of 1994
and new elections for the SGH and local councils
could be carried out in June 1995. In 1997,
the presidential election will take place
as well as local elections to replace half
of the aimag Hurals and the total membership
of hurals in soums and baghs. That way, there
will be a two-year cycle to:
• Enhance the balanced mechanism of control
• Discuss the Cabinet report in spring session
of 1996 and issue a resolution with conclusions
• Amend the law on the Constitutional Court
in order to guarantee the Court's independent
status
• Make a decision on allowing the National
Radio, Television, Ardyn Erkh, and the government
news and newspapers to run independent media
on a contractual basis with the government
• Discuss and adopt in the 1994 spring session
a law against bribery and abuse of official
positions
• Annul any law, resolution and decisions
that violates the Constitution
• Adopt a law on freedom of information in
order to make government activities and decisions
transparent
Immediately take measures to ensure and guarantee
human rights and freedom, including those
of Mongolian citizens, to set up a legal basis
for those rights, and to annul all legislation
and decisions that violate them in the near
future.
